At its 150th Anniversary, the Comstock Law is Relevant Again by Jonathan Friedman and Amy Werbel Anthony Comstock drew on elite connections to give himself near unilateral power...
Read Moreನವದೆಹಲಿ, ಮಾರ್ಚ್. 30: ಇಂಡಿಯನ್ ಪ್ರೀಮಿಯರ್ ಲೀಗ್ (ಐಪಿಎಲ್) ಮಾಜಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥ ಲಲಿತ್ ಮೋದಿ ಅವರು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪಕ್ಷದ ಮಾಜಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥ ರಾಹುಲ್ ಗಾಂಧಿ ಅವರನ್ನು ಭ್ರಷ್ಟಾಚಾರ ಮತ್ತು ಅಕ್ರಮ ಹಣ ವರ್ಗಾವಣೆಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ನೀಡಿರುವ ಹೇಳಿಕೆಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ...
Read Moreಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 30: ಕಳೆದ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ನಂತರ ಬಿಜೆಪಿಯವರು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪಕ್ಷದ 13 ಶಾಸಕರು ಜೆಡಿಎಸ್ ನ 5 ಶಾಸಕರು ಹಾಗೂ ಇಬ್ಬರು ಪಕ್ಷೇತರರು ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ 18 ಶಾಸಕರ ಮನೆ ಬಾಗಿಲು ತಟ್ಟಿ ಅವರನ್ನು ಕರೆದುಕೊಂಡು ಹೋದರಲ್ಲಾ ಆಗ...
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Read Moreಮೈಸೂರು, ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 27: 'ಭತ್ತದ ಕಣಜ' ಎಂದೇ ಖ್ಯಾತಿ ಪಡೆದಿರುವ ಕೃಷ್ಣರಾಜನಗರ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಕಾವು ಜೋರಾಗಿಯೇ ಇದೆ. ಈ ಬಾರಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಹಾಗೂ ಜೆಡಿಎಸ್‌ಗೆ ಠಕ್ಕರ್ ಕೊಡಲು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಕೂಡ ಟೊಂಕ ಕಟ್ಟಿ ನಿಂತಿದೆ. ಆಕಾಂಕ್ಷಿಗಳು,...
Read More"Queen Zenobia's Last Look Upon Palmyra," Herbert Gustave Schmalz, 1888 In his 1992 book, It Doesn’t Take A Hero, America’s General Norman Schwarzkopf tells of...
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Read Moreಲಕ್ನೋ ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 29: ದೇಶದ ಪ್ರತಿಯೊಬ್ಬ ಪ್ರಜೆಯೂ ತಮ್ಮ ಕರ್ತವ್ಯವನ್ನು ಸರಿಯಾಗಿ ನಿರ್ವಹಿಸಿದರೆ ನಾವು ಚೀನಾವನ್ನು ಸೋಲಿಸಿ ವಿಶ್ವದಲ್ಲೇ ಮೊದಲ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಪಡೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು ಎಂದು ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಯೋಗಿ ಆದಿತ್ಯನಾಥ್ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಮುಂದಿನ ವರ್ಷ ನಡೆಯಲಿರುವ ಸಂಸತ್...
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Read MoreBen Barnes (l) and John Connally (c) meet with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, 1980. Barnes has recently repeated claims previously made to historian H.W. Brands (and published in Brands's biography of Ronald Reagan) that this meeting was part of Connally's effort to delay the release of American hostages held by Iran to secure Reagan's election.
Peter Baker recently reported in the New York Times that Ben Barnes, a Texas politician and protegé of the former Texas governor John Connally, has chosen to speak out about a mission to the Middle East he and Connally took in 1980. According to Barnes, the purpose of meetings with a number of Middle East leaders was to encourage those leaders to convey to the Iranian government that it would be in their interest to delay the release of American hostages, a move damaging to the reelection effort of Jimmy Carter, and negotiate the release of the hostages with Ronald Reagan, whom Connally supported. Congressional investigations of the hostage crisis did not address Connally's trip.
Baker also reported that Barnes's claims were mentioned in H.W. Brands's biography of Ronald Reagan, and that Brands was one of four individuals Barnes identified as having previously heard the story.
Professor Brands agreed to answer some questions from HNN about Barnes's claims by email today, and how this "revelation" has been hiding in plain sight.
HNN: How did you come to speak with Barnes about Governor Connally’s trip to the Middle East?
While researching my book about Reagan, I asked Ben Barnes, whom I had known, if he had had any dealings with Reagan. In the conversation he mentioned his trip with John Connally to the Middle East in the summer of 1980. He told me that his trip with his old friend and mentor turned out to have a purpose beyond making Connally look like secretary of state material. Connally conveyed to governments and influential people in the Middle East that it would "not be helpful" - Barnes's characterization - to the Reagan campaign if the hostages were released before the election. I asked Barnes if that message came to Connally from William Casey, Reagan's campaign manager at that time; Barnes said he didn't know and didn't ask.
I followed up in some Connally papers at the LBJ Library to corroborate the journey. It checked out. There I also discovered a memo of a phone call from Nancy Reagan at the Reagan ranch to Connally on the trip. So Reagan was aware of the trip.
HNN: Did it make any waves when you wrote about Barnes’s account in your biography of Reagan?
Very little. I was surprised.
HNN: The idea that the release of the hostages was manipulated to harm Carter’s reelection bid is part of the lore surrounding the 1980 election, so it seems odd that a revelation like this would pass by unremarked. Is this a case of people’s responses being governed by their preexisting assumptions, or is it a case where the implications about American power and political tricks are too disturbing to discuss? Why is there a collective shrug, aside from the passage of 43 years?
The principals categorically denied any such thing. Watergate elevated the standard of evidence in such case to the "smoking gun." At the time there was no smoking gun.
HNN: Some critics, notably the media scholar Siva Vaidhyanathan, have questioned the veracity of Barnes’s account and the chain of events – specifically stating that Carter ultimately negotiated the release of the hostages, which was completed moments after Reagan’s inauguration in 1981, and that Connally’s lack of experience made him unlikely to be successful in such secret dealing. Do you think Barnes is credible about Connally’s intentions, and if so, should we think of Connally as an opportunist or a well-connected operator?
I find it very difficult to believe that Connally was free-lancing. William Casey was too canny to allow that. Furthermore, Casey seems to have had a second-track of backdoor communications with Iran, including a September meeting in Madrid with people who presented themselves as go-betweens. In 1980 this seemed outlandish. But after the Iran-contra scandal broke, it seemed entirely plausible. By then Casey was dead, and he had covered his tracks well.
I have known Ben Barnes for thirty years. And I find it very difficult to believe he was making this up.
HNN: Finally, how much should this cause us to rethink the 1980 election? Could this trip have changed the course of American history?
No, and here's why. By the summer of 1980, the hostages had lost their value to their captors. They were looking for a way to release them. But the last thing they wanted to do was help Carter get reelected. Carter was the reason the hostages were seized; the kidnappers thought Carter was planning to reinstall the shah (as Eisenhower had done in 1953). In effect, Connally and Casey were telling the Iranians not to do something the Iranians had no intention of doing. And far from the hostage release reflecting the Iranians' fear of Reagan, as the Reagan side spun things, the timing reflected their hatred for Carter and their preference for Reagan.
* This article was originally published here
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Read Moreಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 28; ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ದಿನಾಂಕ ಘೋಷಣೆಗೆ ದಿನಗಣನೆ ಆರಂಭವಾಗಿದೆ. ಚುನಾವಣಾ ವೇಳಾಪಟ್ಟಿ ಘೋಷಣೆಗೆ ಕೆಲವೇ ದಿನಗಳು ಬಾಕಿ ಇದ್ದರೂ ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಆಯೋಗದ ಅನುಮತಿ ಪಡೆದು ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರ ವರ್ಗಾವಣೆ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಯನ್ನು ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವುದಾಗಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಬಸವರಾಜ ಬೊಮ್ಮಾಯಿ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ...
Read Moreಹಾಸನ ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 28: ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹತ್ತಿರವಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದಂತೆ ಭ್ರಷ್ಟಾಚಾರದ ಆರೋಪಗಳೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಿ ಕೇಳಿ ಬರುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಜನನಾಯಕರು ದಾಖಲೆ ಸಮೇತ ಭ್ರಷ್ಟಾಚಾರ ಬಯಲಿಗೆ ಎಳೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇಂತಹದ್ದೇ ಆರೋಪಕ್ಕೆ ಸದ್ಯ ಅರಸೀಕೆರೆ ಜೆಡಿಎಸ್ ಶಾಸಕ ಕೆ.ಎಂ ಶಿವಲಿಂಗೇಗೌಡ ಗುರಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮುಖಂಡ ಎನ್‌....
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Read MoreJohn C. Calhoun misconstrued James Madison's original thinking about federalism to declare a right of state nullification of federal law, Christian Fritz contends. Every day, we...
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Read Moreಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ಮಾರ್ಚ್27: ಶಿಕಾರಿಪುರದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಹಿರಿಯ ಮುಖಂಡ ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಜಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಬಿ.ಎಸ್.ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ ಅವರ ಮನೆಯ ಮೇಲೆ ಕಲ್ಲೆಸೆತದ ದುಷ್ಕೃತ್ಯ ಖಂಡನೀಯ ಎಂದು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಾಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ ನಳಿನ್‍ಕುಮಾರ್ ಕಟೀಲ್ ಅವರು ತಿಳಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಈ ಕುರಿತು ಮಾತನಾಡಿದ ಅವರು, ಇಂಥ...
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Read MoreAn effigy protests Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi's support for the invasion of Iraq, Rome, February 15, 2003 March 19 marked the 20th anniversary of the...
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Read MoreIn the first posed photograph of Woodrow Wilson after his stroke, First Lady Edith Galt Wilson holds the paper he is portrayed as signing, concealing the paralysis of his left side.
Library of Congress, June 1920
It was a grueling period for both President Woodrow Wilson and his wife Edith. First, they convened with the world’s diplomats in Paris, then returned to the United States to launch a cross country trip of 8-10,000 miles to seek support for the League of Nations. They passed through scorching temperatures in the West, without any air conditioning. He complained of splitting headaches, at one stop experiencing blurred vision. She called for his doctor, and said that her husband’s face was twitching and he was gasping for breath, similar to an asthma attack. Cary T. Grayson, his doctor, drew up a series of mandates: “Complete rest, total isolation from his job, and no one should interfere with his health.” The Wilsons returned home.
On October 2, 1919, Edith Wilson went to check to see how her husband was doing. He said to her, “I have no feeling in my hand,” motioning to his left hand. Minutes later, after calling his doctor from downstairs, she heard a thump like a body falling from his bed. Running back upstairs, she found her husband unconscious and bleeding on the bathroom floor, having suffered a stroke.
How bad, in fact, was the President’s condition? In Woodrow Wilson: A Medical and Psychological Biography, Edith Weinstein writes
The symptoms indicate that Wilson suffered from an occlusion of the right middle cerebral artery, which resulted in a complete paralysis of the left side of the body, a loss of vision in the left half vision of both eyes, weakness of the muscles of the left side of his face, tongue and jaw and pharynx accounted for his inability to speak.
In layman’s terms, all additional physicians that were allowed to see him remarked, “He looked as if he was dead.”
Edith Galt Wilson had to make a series of quick decisions about what the world, let alone Woodrow’s administration and members of Congress, would learn of his health crisis. Her decision was very simple: nothing was to be said about the nature or severity of his condition. The cover up had begun, and would continue for nearly two years until the end of his administration. During this time, Edith Wilson could be said to have acted as the first woman President of the United States, albeit in a secretive arrangement that revealed the limits of the Constitution’s original treatment of presidential incapacity and still today shows the importance of public knowledge about presidential health.
Having advised Edith Wilson that the president himself should be kept unaware of the severity of his condition, Dr. Grayson was willing to conceal facts that might have led to Wilson’s replacement in office. He refused to sign a finding of disability, downplayed the severity of the stroke to the cabinet, and recommended against fully informing the public.
He also provided diagnoses that excused Wilson’s absence from the public without suggesting permanent disability. On October 3rd, the day after his collapse at home, Dr. Grayson issued a bulletin: “The President is a very sick man. Diagnosis is a nervous exhaustion.” In the remaining days and weeks, additional bulletins would provide reassurances that the president was recovering nicely.
If this lack of transparency about presidential health is shocking from our present perspective, we would also consider Wilson’s health history alarming for a prospective president. Historian Edwin A. Weinstein notes that Wilson had a history of cerebrovascular disorders dating back to 1896, sixteen years before he was elected president. Wilson was serving as an instructor at Princeton in 1896 when he suffered his first stroke. In 1913, Wilson suffered another stroke, only this time, it was his left arm that was affected. Weinstein writes:
The episode which affected Wilson’s left arm was particularly ominous from a clinical standpoint…. [It] not only increased the risk of future strokes, but also created the possibility that enduring changes of behavior, based on insufficient blood supply and impaired oxygenation of the brain, might eventually occur.
What few people also knew was that the President had kept his wife in the loop about all matters of state, including her sitting in on the League of Nations meetings. How, though, was she to govern? In her memoirs she states very clearly, “The only decision that was mine was what was important and what was not, and the very important decision of when to present matters to the President.”
In the mornings, Edith Wilson would get up and begin her “stewardship,” the word she used to refer to her relative takeover of the West Wing. She would attend meetings in place of her husband, and when information needed to be passed to him, she would insist that she be the one to do it. In the evenings, she would take all necessary paperwork back to the residence, where Woodrow was presumably waiting, and inform him of what he needed to know. The next morning, she would return the paperwork to its original owner, complete with new notes and suggestions. She would also vet the carefully crafted medical bulletins that were publicly released. Continually, she would say that the President needed bed rest and would be working from his bedroom suite.
If it seemed like an odd arrangement, the people closest to the matter didn’t comment on it. They lined up at Edith’s door day in and day out, waiting for the notes that she passed back and forth between them and their leader. They went no further than the first lady; if they had policy papers or pending decisions for him to review, edit or approve, she would first look over the material herself. If she deemed the matter pressing enough, she took the paperwork into her husband’s room where she would read all the necessary documents to him.
Perhaps the improbability of the arrangement, combined with the personal political interests of those involved, allowed the coverup to endure as a mutually self-serving fiction, despite growing doubts. While Edith maintained that she was simply a vessel for information and that all notes passed back to presidential staff were Woodrow Wilson’s own words, White House officials soon began to doubt the authenticity of the notes. For one, they had never seen the president himself write the words, and for another, they didn’t entirely trust the First Lady. William Hazelgrove, in his book Madam President: The Secret Presidency of Edith Wilson, goes further:
The issue of a presidential signature is a vexing one. Presidents must sign many documents and the operation of government can be held up for want of signature. But here was a man paralyzed on his left side going in and out of consciousness. Edith “helped” the president by “steadying his right hand in guiding his pen.”
The essence of Mrs. Wilson's usurpation lay, therefore, in minimizing actual decision-making. She permitted only a handful of officials to see the president, and that only in the latter phase of his illness; and these audiences were often weirdly stage-managed in his darkened White House bedroom, usually in her inhibiting presence and that of Admiral Grayson. Many issues (e.g., the infamous "Red scare" raids of Attorney General Mitchell Palmer) were not brought to the president's attention, and it is uncertain whether he had the capacity to act even if he could have focused on them. When it became absolutely necessary to indicate what Wilson thought about a pending question, Mrs. Wilson would occasionally issue in her own handwriting a kind of bulletin from the sickroom reading "the president says" thus and so -- an unacceptable, yet accepted, substitute for real decision memoranda.
It was a bewildering way to run a government, but the officials waited in the West Sitting Room hallway. When she came back to them after conferring with the President, Mrs. Wilson turned over their paperwork, now riddled with indecipherable margin notes that she said were the president’s transcribed verbatim responses. To some the shaky handwriting looked less like that written by an invalid and more like that of his nervous caretaker.
She became the sole contact between the President and the cabinet. In fact, when Senator Albert Fall was sent by the Republicans to investigate the President’s true condition, Edith helped arrange Woodrow in bed so that he appeared presentable and alert. The President passed the test. The New York Times reported, perhaps creating rather than documenting reality, that “the meeting silenced for good the many wild and often unfriendly rumors of the President’s disability.”
Inevitably, the ruse wore thin. Secretary of State Robert Lansing, a man who was with Wilson in Europe and an important part of the negotiations over the League of Nations, was the first to raise the alarm that the president was in an incapacitated state. Lansing pressed Dr. Grayson about the reports that the president had fallen ill. Dr. Grayson lied to Lansing, telling the secretary of state that Wilson was only suffering from “a depleted nervous system” and that the president’s mind was “not only clear but very active.” However, Joseph Tumulty, Wilson’s private secretary and an antagonist of Edith Wilson, was more candid and suggested to Lansing that the president had suffered another stroke. Lansing immediately declared that Wilson should transfer presidential power to Vice President Thomas R. Marshall. Loyal to Wilson, both Tumulty and Dr. Grayson objected.
Robert Lansing ultimately called a cabinet meeting on October 6, 1919, something he was not supposed to do without President Wilson’s knowledge. It was an important meeting because no administration had had to address a situation when a president was alive but incapacitated. Increasingly aware of the dire state of the president’s health, the cabinet became aware of their lack of power to do anything about it. The United States Constitution’s only words for such a situation before the passage of the 25th Amendment in 1967 are found in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6. It states as follows:
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
Wilson was not dead, had not resigned, and was disputing, at least through a proxy, that he could not discharge the powers of the presidency. Vice President Marshall did not want to appear too eager to become president, so he declared he would not act unless Congress declared Wilson incapacitated.
The cabinet meeting on October 6th did little—could do little—to define or answer any Constitutional questions. Nothing was decided except to see how Wilson’s health progressed. Robert Lansing was compelled to resign the following year on February 20. His offense? He committed an “assumption of presidential authority” by calling the cabinet meeting without Wilson’s approval.
William Hazelgrove writes that
Edith Wilson’s presidency was short–less than two years–but it was groundbreaking. Woodrow Wilson after his stroke could not perform the duties of the presidency and Edith stepped in to fill the role. Edith's guiding mandate as president was to keep her husband alive by taking over his job and restricting access to him. Edith’s presidency fits the constitutional definitions of the duties of president.
Indeed, beginning with the first constitutionally defined role of the president as commander-in-chief of the military, which she exercised by managing negotiations of the Treaty of Versailles and the push for the League of Nations, Edith Wilson could be reasonably said to have exercised 5 of the 6 defined duties of the presidency.
A paper trail of written communication gives us an indication that, by deferring to her cabinet officers, and tackling a handful of high priority issues, Mrs. Wilson managed to keep the ship of state afloat between October 1919 and March 1921. What rendered this possible was the institutional momentum of the executive branch. In the absence of direct guidance from the White House, officials filled the void with their own best judgment, and muddled through.
A few Republican critics of the president, such as Sen. Albert Fall (R-N.M.), railed against “petticoat government,” suggesting that there was some public familiarity with the idea that Edith Wilson was running the administration, but the President’s Democratic allies largely circled the wagons, ignoring his obvious impairment, while adversaries in his own party, including Vice President Thomas Marshall, remained conspicuously silent.
Unfortunately, in the absence of authoritative White House leadership, institutional forces could only keep the government machine well-oiled for so long. Eventually, Mrs. Wilson’s method of temporizing and triage proved inadequate. Wilson’s illness exacerbated his more negative qualities of stubbornness and his need to be right. He absolutely refused to compromise on the Versailles treaty to get it through Congress. Wilson was so far out of the loop due to his illness that he didn’t comprehend the extent of the opposition in the Senate and that the only way to get the treaty passed was with Henry Cabot Lodge’s reservations. Edith tried to convince him to change his mind. Because of his unwillingness, the Democrats didn’t have enough votes to ratify the treaty, and the United States ended up not joining the League of Nations.
Had Wilson resigned at the outset of his illness, and Vice President Marshall succeeded as President, or at least assumed the role until Wilson was better, a compromise might have been reached with Lodge, and the treaty might have passed. The United States could have joined the League of Nations and played an active role in the international peace organization in the years that, as it happened, ultimately led to World War II. If Edith had put the nation’s needs ahead of her husband, Wilson’s dream of America playing a significant role on the international stage would have come to fruition. As it was, his successor Warren Harding took America back to its isolationist stance.
* This article was originally published here
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Read Moreಇಂಡಿಯನ್ ಪ್ರೀಮಿಯರ್ ಲೀಗ್‌ನ 16ನೇ ಆವೃತ್ತಿಯ ಆರಂಭಕ್ಕೆ ಇನ್ನು ಬೆರಳೆಣಿಕೆಯ ದಿನಗಳು ಮಾತ್ರವೇ ಬಾಕಿಯಿದೆ. ಮಾರ್ಚ್ 31ರಂದು ಆರಂಭವಾಗಲಿರುವ ಈ ಚುಟುಕು ಕ್ರಿಕೆಟ್‌ನ ಮಹಾಸಮರಕ್ಕೆ ತಂಡಗಳು ಅಂತಿಮ ಹಂತದ ಸಿದ್ಧತೆಯನ್ನು ನಡೆಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಇನ್ನು ಟೂರ್ನಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಣಕ್ಕಿಳಿಯಲು ಫ್ರಾಂಚೈಸಿಗಳು ನೂತನ...
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