ಟವಟರನಲಲ ಮತತದ ಬದಲವಣ; ಪಸಟ ನಡಲ ಸನಇನ ಕಡಡಯ

ನವದೆಹಲಿ, ಜುಲೈ 02; ದಿನಕ್ಕೊಂದು ಬದಲಾವಣೆ ತರುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಎಲಾನ್ ಮಸ್ಕ್ ಟ್ವಿಟರ್ ಬಳಕೆದಾರರಿಗೆ ಗೊಂದಲ ಉಂಟು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಟ್ವಿಟರ್ ಖರೀದಿ ಮಾಡಿದ ಬಳಿಕ ಹಲವು ಬದಲಾವಣೆಗಳನ್ನು ಅವರು ಮಾಡಿ ಟೀಕೆಗೆ ಸಹ ಗುರಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಈಗ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಟ್ವೀಟ್ ಮಾಡಿರುವ ಎಲಾನ್ ಮಸ್ಕ್ ಯಾವುದೇ ಟ್ವೀಟ್ ನೋಡಲು, ಅದರಲ್ಲಿರುವ ವಿಷಯ ಓದಲು ಕಡ್ಡಾಯವಾಗಿ ಟ್ವಿಟರ್‌ಗೆ ಸೈನ್‌ಇನ್ ಆಗಬೇಕು

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ಅನನಭಗಯ; ಬಯಕ ಖತಗ ಡಬಟ ಮಲಕ ಹಣ ಪವತಗ ಆದಶ

ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ಜುಲೈ 02: ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್‌ ನೀಡಿದ 5 ಗ್ಯಾರಂಟಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅನ್ನಭಾಗ್ಯ ಯೋಜನೆಯಡಿ 10 ಕೆಜಿ ಅಕ್ಕಿ ವಿತರಣೆ ಮಾಡುವುದು ಸಹ ಒಂದು. ಆದರೆ ಈಗ ಅಕ್ಕಿ ಲಭ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲದ ಕಾರಣ ಅಕ್ಕಿ ಸಿಗುವ ತನಕ ಹಣ ನೀಡಲು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಮುಂದಾಗಿದೆ. ಅರ್ಹ ಫಲಾನುಭವಿಗಳ ಖಾತೆಗೆ ಡಿಬಿಟಿ ಮೂಲಕ ಹಣ ಪಾವತಿ ಮಾಡುವ ಕುರಿತು ಆದೇಶ ಹೊರಡಿಸಿದೆ. ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯಪಾಲರ

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ಯಡಯರಪಪ ದಹಲಗ ವಪಕಷ ನಯಕನ ಘಷಣ ವಳಬ!

ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ಜುಲೈ 02: ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ವಿರೋಧ ಪಕ್ಷದ ನಾಯಕ ಯಾರು?. ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ 66 ಸ್ಥಾನಗಳನ್ನು ಗೆದ್ದಿರುವ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಇನ್ನೂ ವಿರೋಧ ಪಕ್ಷದ ನಾಯಕನನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಮಾಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಸೋಮವಾರದಿಂದ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆಯ ಬಜೆಟ್ ಅಧಿವೇಶನ ಆರಂಭವಾಗಲಿದ್ದು, ವಿರೋಧ ಪಕ್ಷದ ನಾಯಕ ಯಾರು? ಎಂಬುದು ಗುಟ್ಟಾಗಿಯೇ ಉಳಿದಿದೆ. ವಿರೋಧ ಪಕ್ಷದ ನಾಯಕನನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಮಾಡಲು ಭಾನುವಾರ ಸಂಜೆ  ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಬಿಜೆಪಿಯ

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Reading Peter Frankopan's Ambitious Planetary History

Desertification, village of Telly, Mali. Photo Ferdinand Reus, CC BY-SA 2.0

 

 

 

The 24 main chapters of The Earth Restored: An Untold History by British historian Peter Frankopan cover a longer period of history--from “the creation of our planet around 4.6 billion years ago” until late 2022--than any book I’ve read (it begins with a series of excellent maps, the first one displaying the Pangaea Supercontinent of 200 million years ago). Its introduction and conclusion focus on the problems of present-day climate change; Frankopan stresses that all his extensive historical research on human interaction with the environment has left him concerned about our climate future--and humanity’s fate within it.

 

How concerned? This sentence from the introduction sums it up nicely: “We live in a world teetering on the brink of disaster because of climate change.” And parts of that book’s section sum up as well as I’ve seen our present climate predicament:

 

Human impact on the natural environment has been devastating almost everywhere, in almost every way, from water contamination to erosion, from plastics entering the food chain to pressure on animal and plant life that has reached such a high level that the most recent United Nations report talks of declines in biodiversity at rates that are unprecedented in human history, and that threaten an erosion of “the very foundations of our economies, livelihoods, food security, health and quality of life worldwide.”

 

Or this 2019 quote from António Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations: “Every week brings new climate-related devastation . . . . Floods. Drought. Heat waves. Wildfires. Superstorms.”

 

In his conclusion, Frankopan writes that the summer of 2022 was especially alarming—“Record heatwaves in Europe, the worst drought in many decades in Africa, nearly eight times the average rainfall in Pakistan . . . flash floods in Death Valley in the USA (caused by massive rainfall in three hours)…. the highest-ever recorded rate of rainfall in South Korea . . . the wettest year in Australia's modern history,” extremely high winter temperatures in Paraguay and in South Africa, “and a long and severe drought in China that followed the hottest summer on record, which was called the most severe heatwave ever recorded anywhere and was unparalleled in world climatic history.”

 

Yet, he marvels, many people continue to deny or minimize human-caused climate change. He does not deny, however, that there has been some progress in various countries, and he stresses that our past and present climate problems have been solvable—if only the collective will coalesces into action. He also mentions hopes that some people have in geoengineering including cloud seeding. But he cautions us that human modification of natural weather systems risks (as one scientific 2015 report indicated) “significant potential for unanticipated, unmanageable, and regrettable consequences.” In a recent Apple TV + eight-part fictional series called “Extrapolations,” a character played by Edward Norton in Episode 4 expresses similar sentiments: “We've treated this planet like an all-you-can-eat buffet for 250 years since we started burning fossil fuels. And changing the chemical composition of the atmosphere is not going to fix it.” Cloud seeding could lead to “changes in rainfall patterns that lead to crop failures and floods [and] . . . extreme weather events leading to mass migrations, social unrest, stress on infrastructure.”

 

Frankopan also indicates the possibility that future unknown events, like nuclear war, could greatly alter our climate, and concludes that the “biggest risk to global climate comes from volcanoes”—he often mentions the historical climate effects of volcanoes, especially their role in decreasing temperatures (see here for more on that effect). Regarding one volcano, occurring in what is now Indonesia in 1257, he writes that its effects “were global,” affecting such far-away areas as England and “the western flank of the Americas.”

 

Frankopan believes that generally “we ignore climate and long-run climate patterns or changes altogether when we look at history.” But his new book “attempts to integrate human and natural history,” including climate changes, believing “it is fundamentally important if we are to understand the world around us properly.” Using a wide variety of sources--212 pages of endnotes are available on the publisher’s website--he connects environmental changes to all sorts of historical developments including migrations, plagues, living arrangements, political structures, and religious beliefs. For example, he writes that “three of the most lethal pandemics” of the last 2,000 years followed “warmer springs and wetter summers [that] produced the bacterium that caused bubonic plague.” And, at the end of Chapter 12, “the fundamentals of ecological equilibrium and environmental sustainability underpinned the cultural, political, socio-economic, diplomatic and military histories of individual kingdoms, states or regions. Reliable food and water supplies were central at all times.”

 

At times, however, several pages may elapse without any mention of climate or the environment, as Frankopan details various political, social, or cultural developments in widely varied parts of the earth including Asia, Africa, and the Americas. As important as he thinks climate has been as a historical factor, he attempts not to overstate its significance. For example, in Chapter 9, he writes, “cities were far more lethal [because of unsanitary conditions] than changes to climate patterns.”

 

His first chapter is entitled “The World from the Dawn of Time (c.4.5bn–c.7m BC).” In this period before direct human ancestors (Homo-) existed, the author tells us that for about “half the earth’s existence, there was little or no oxygen in the atmosphere.” Still long before humans appeared, periods of extreme warming and cooling existed and one stage “brought about the extinction of 85 per cent of all species. . . . The single most famous moment of large-scale transformation in the past, however, was caused by an asteroid strike that impacted the earth 66 million years ago on the Yucatan peninsula” in Mexico.

 

In Frankopan’s second chapter, “On the Origins of Our Species (c.7m–c.12,000 BC),” he states that the timing of Homo sapiens’s origins is disputable: “Our own species may have started to emerge as distinct from Homo neanderthalensis [Neanderthals]. . . . though this is a matter of fierce debate.” Humans first appeared in Africa and then dispersed to other continents, for example, “into South-East Asia, China and beyond, reaching Australia by around 65,000 years ago.” “Most scholars date the arrival of the first modern humans in the Americas to around 22,000 years ago.”

 

The author intersperses these human movements with accounts of climate-change effects--besides volcanoes, he details all sorts of other causes of changes such as El Niño and La Niña. For example, “agriculture may not have been impossible before the Holocene,” a “long period of warmer, stable conditions” that began roughly 10,000 years ago, “but it suited conditions perfectly after its onset.”

 

Chapters 3 to 24 deal with a time span more familiar to historians--12,000 BC to AD 2022. But the book’s title, The Earth Restored: An Untold Story correctly indicates that it is also unique. Not a history of some portion of our planet, but a global history (i.e. of the earth). And “untold” because no previous history has integrated the human and environmental journeys together over such a long time span.     

 

Although Frankopan pays sufficient attention to the Americas and his native England, the part of the world he is most familiar with is the Eurasian Steppe, which runs from the Balkans to the Pacific Ocean. Two of his previous books, The Silk Roads (2017) and The New Silk Roads (2020), deal with that area. Here, in Chapter 8, he writes. “Some 85 per cent of large empires over more than three thousands years developed in or close to the Eurasian steppe.” Among other observations he makes here is one that greatly affects demographics, a topic he often mentions: Tropical climates often provide “a crucible in which infectious diseases could flourish.”

 

Later on in Chapter 13, “Disease and the Formation of a New World (c.1250–c.1450),” he returns to the Eurasian steppe when he considers the Mongol conquest of many areas. And he writes that it may have “created a perfect environment” for the spread of plague. In the late 1340s, the Black Death spread across “Europe, the Middle East, North Africa,” and probably other parts of Africa, killing “an estimated 40-60 percent of the population.”

 

Frankopan is not only a global and environmental historian, but also one quite critical of European and Western imperialism and racism, from the time of Columbus to the present. Considering the world around 1500, he writes, “what drove the next cycle in global history was the pursuit of profit,” mainly by Europeans. He also mentions the “‘Great Dying’ of the indigenous populations of the Americas which was caused by violence, malnutrition and disease.” Later, dealing with the half century after 1870, he states that “the dovetailing of evangelical ideas about racial superiority, religious virtue and capitalism was a core element of the way that Europeans, and the British above all, saw both themselves--and the rest of the world.” And in that same period,

“the ecological implications of rapid transformation of landscapes that were motivated by the chase for a fast buck" were “severe and shocking.”

 

Like the earlier environmental critic E. F. Schumacher, he cites Gandhi on “the ravages of colonialism,” and suggests that modern economics should be based on a less materialistic approach to life. (Schumacher included his essay on “Buddhist Economics” in Small Is Beautiful.)

 

Regarding slavery, Frankopan estimates that in the 1780s “more than 900,000 souls were sent from the coast of Africa.” “The demand . . . was driven by the vast profits that could be generated from tobacco, cotton, indigo and sugar.” And even now the aftereffects of that racism that helped produce slavery still impact us. U.S. counties that possessed large numbers of slaves in the early 1860s are “more likely today not only to vote Republican, but to oppose affirmative action and express racial resentment and sentiments towards black people.”

 

The author’s last two chapters prior to his Conclusion cover the period from about 1960 to 2022. From the publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962) until the present, environmental anxieties have continued, at first regarding various forms of pollution and later stressing the dangers of climate change.

 

Frankopan also reveals that certain types of geoengineering, like cloud seeding, were already engaged in by the USA during the Vietnam War in the late 1960s, and for some time the U. S. Department of Defense has been “the largest institutional producer of greenhouse gases.” Military conflicts, as he points out, come with a “very high” environmental cost--note, for example, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

 

Although there is plenty of blame to go around for what Frankopan considers a woeful minimization of the importance of climate change, in the USA he identifies chiefly the Republicans. Despite more than a 99 percent agreement among “scientists working in this [climate-change] field,” more than half of the Republican members of the 117th Congress (ending in January 2023) “made statements either doubting or refusing to accept the scientific evidence for anthropogenic climate change.” In the last sentence of his book the author writes, “Perhaps we will find our way back there [to a sustainable planet] through peaceful means; a historian would not bet on it.” 

 

 

* This article was originally published here

ಭರತ ತಡದ ಪರಯಜಕತವದದ ಹರ ನಡದ ಬಜಸ ಜಗಕಕ ಡರಮ 11 ಆಯಕ

ಬೈಜೂಸ್ ಕಂಪನಿ ಭಾರತ ಕ್ರಿಕೆಟ್ ತಂಡದ ಪ್ರಾಯೋಜಕತ್ವದಿಂದ ಹಿಂದೆ ಸರಿದ ದೀರ್ಘ ಕಾಲದ ನಂತರ ಬಿಸಿಸಿಐ ಹೊಸ ಪ್ರಾಯೋಜಕರನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಮಾಡಿದೆ. ಡ್ರೀಮ್ 11 ಇನ್ನು ಮುಂದೆ ಭಾರತ ಕ್ರಿಕೆಟ್ ತಂಡದ ಪ್ರಾಯೋಜಕತ್ವ ವಹಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಡ್ರೀಮ್ 11 ಬಿಸಿಸಿಐಗೆ ವಾರ್ಷಿಕವಾಗಿ 358 ಕೋಟಿ ರೂಪಾಯಿ ಪಾವತಿಸಲಿದೆ. ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಗಳು ನಿಗದಿತ ಸಮಯಕ್ಕೆ ಪೂರ್ಣಗೊಂಡರೆ ಭಾರತ ತಂಡ

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ವಹನ ಸವರರ ಗಮನಸ! ಇದನದ ನಸ ರಸತ ತಮಕರ-ಬಗಳರ ಟಲ ದರ ಹಚಚಳ

ಜುಲೈ 1ರಿಂದ ವಾಹನ ಸವಾರರ ಜೇಬಿಗೆ ಮತ್ತೆ ಕತ್ತರಿ ಬೀಳಲಿದೆ. ನೈಸ್ ರಸ್ತೆ, ತುಮಕೂರು-ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು, ನೆಲಮಂಗಲ-ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು ರಸ್ತೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಇನ್ನು ಓಡಾಡಲು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಟೋಲ್ ದರ ಪಾವತಿಸಬೇಕಿದೆ. ಜುಲೈ 1ರಿಂದ ಈ ರಸ್ತೆಗಳ ಟೋಲ್ ದರ ಮತ್ತಷ್ಟು ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಲಿದೆ. ನೈಸ್ ರಸ್ತೆಯ ಫೆರಿಫೆರಲ್ ಮತ್ತು ಲಿಂಕ್ ರಸ್ತೆಗಳ ಟೋಲ್ ಕಳೆದ ವರ್ಷಕ್ಕಿಂತ ಶೇ. 10-20 ರಷ್ಟು ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಲಿದ್ದು ಇಂದಿನಿಂದ

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Jeremy Clarkson's Meghan article was sexist to duchess press regulator rules

A record 25,000 people complained about the piece, in which Clarkson said he "hated" the Duchess of Sussex.

from BBC News - Entertainment & Arts https://ift.tt/iODAm4N

Jeremy Clarkson's Meghan article was sexist to duchess press regulator rules

A record 25,000 people complained about the piece, in which Clarkson said he "hated" the Duchess of Sussex.

from BBC News - Entertainment & Arts https://ift.tt/PuQefSE

ಫಕಸ ಆಯತ ಮಹರತ: ನಳಯದಲ ಎಚಡಎಫಸ ವಲನ ಪಕಕ!

ಮುಂಬೈ: ಎಚ್‌ಡಿಎಫ್‌ಸಿ ಮತ್ತು ಎಚ್‌ಡಿಎಫ್‌ಸಿ ಬ್ಯಾಂಕ್‌ನ ಮಹಾ ವಿಲೀನ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಗೆ ಈಗ ಅಂತಿಮ ಮುದ್ರೆ ಬಿದ್ದಿದೆ. ಈ ಮೂಲಕ ನಾಳೆಯಿಂದ ಹೊಸದೊಂದು ಅಧ್ಯಾಯ ಕೂಡ ಶುರುವಾಗಲಿದೆ. ಎಚ್‌ಡಿಎಫ್‌ಸಿ ಹಾಗೂ ಎಚ್‌ಡಿಎಫ್‌ಸಿ ಬ್ಯಾಂಕ್‌ನ ಮಂಡಳಿ ಸಭೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಒಪ್ಪಂದಕ್ಕೆ ಅಂತಿಮ ಸಹಿ ಬಿದ್ದಿದೆ. ಹೀಗಾಗಿ ನಾಳೆಯೇ ಅಂದರೆ ಜುಲೈ 1ನ್ನೇ ವಿಲೀನದ ದಿನವಾಗಿ ಮತ್ತು ಜುಲೈ 13ನ್ನು ದಾಖಲೆ

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The Unlikely Success of James Garfield in an Age of Division

An 1880 Puck Cartoon depicts Ulysses Grant surrendering his sword to James Garfield after being defeated for the Republican nomination.

 

 

The candidate, at first glance, seemed to have no business being his party’s nominee for the White House. In an era seething with political strife, he had long been viewed by peers in Washington as a pleasant but out-of-touch figure. Partisan warfare was not his strong suit; he cultivated friendships with civil rights opponents and election deniers alike. He enjoyed scrappy political debate but refused to aim any blows below the belt (“I never feel that to slap a man in the face is any real gain to the truth.”) What’s more, American voters seemed to be in a decisively anti-establishment mood, and this nominee had been a presence in Washington for almost two decades – the epitome of a swamp creature.

Yet, somehow, it added up to a winning formula: James Garfield, the nicest man remaining in a polarized Washington, would be elected America’s next president in 1880. His rise to power would be framed as a rare triumph of decency in the increasingly bitter political environment of late 19th century America. It has resonance today as our country again navigates similar public conditions.

Garfield’s election was the very first of the Gilded Age. It was a time defined by tremendous disparity emerging in America. Men like Andrew Carnegie and Jay Gould were ascendant members of a new ruling class of industrialists, the so-called “robber barons.” But their factories were grinding down the working class; America’s first nationwide strike had broken out in 1877. Meanwhile, Reconstruction had failed in the South, leaving Black Americans in a perilous spot. They technically possessed rights, but, in practice, had lost most of them after former Confederates returned to power and reversed the policies of Reconstruction.

Yet the period’s discord was most obvious in its politics. The last presidential election had produced what half of Americans considered an illegitimate result: poor Rutherford Hayes had to put up with being called “Rutherfraud” for his term in the White House.  Meanwhile, the broader Republican Party had fractured into two vividly-named blocs (the “Stalwarts” and the “Half-Breeds”), each of which loathed Hayes almost as much as they did each another.  

In this setting, Minority Leader James Garfield was a uniquely conciliatory figure – the lone Republican who could get along with all the fractious, squabbling members of his party. Stalwarts described him as “a most attractive man to meet,” while the leader of the Half-Breeds was, perhaps, Garfield’s best friend in Congress. President Hayes also considered Garfield a trustworthy legislative lieutenant. The overall picture was a distinctly muddled approach to factional politics: Garfield did not fall into any of his party’s camps but was still treated as a valued partner by each.

Much of this came naturally (“I am a poor hater,” Garfield was fond of saying). But there was also, inevitably, political calculus informing it – the kind that comes from decades spent in Washington, trying in vain to solve the nation’s most pressing issues.

Exceptional as Garfield’s political style was, his life story was more so. He had been born in poverty on the Ohio frontier in 1831 and raised by a single mother. A dizzying ascent followed: by his late twenties, James Garfield was a college president, preacher, and state senator; only a few years later, he had become not just the youngest brigadier general fighting in the Union Army, but also the youngest Congressman in the country by 1864.

His talent seemed limitless; his politics, uncompromising. The young Garfield was an ardent Radical Republican – a member of the most progressive wing of his party on civil rights and the need for an aggressive Reconstruction policy in the postwar South. “So long as I have a voice in public affairs,” Garfield vowed during this time, “it shall not be silent until every leading traitor is completely shut out of all participation of in the management of the Republic.”

But he lived to see this pledge go unfulfilled. Garfield’s Congressional career was exceptionally long – stretching from the Civil War through Reconstruction and beyond – and his politics softened as events unfolded. Principle yielded to pragmatism during what felt like countless national crises. “I am trying to be a radical, and not a fool,” Garfield wrote during President Johnson’s impeachment trial. By the end of 1876, a young firebrand of American politics had evolved into a mature legislative chieftain – the Minority Leader of a fractious Republican Party. Younger ideologues of the Party had Garfield’s sympathy but not his support. “It is the business of statesmanship to wield the political forces so as not to destroy the end to be gained,” he would lecture them.

It is no wonder, then, that Garfield’s reputation as an agreeable Republican was not entirely a positive one. From Frederick Douglass to Ulysses Grant, friends tended to say the same thing: that Garfield’s flip-flopping and politeness indicated he “lacked moral backbone.” Garfield, in contrast, would argue that open-mindedness was a sign of inner strength rather than weakness.

This argument was put to the test in the election of 1880. Republicans entered their nominating convention with a handful of declared candidates who had no clear path to a majority of party support. They emerged behind a surprising choice – James Garfield, who had been picked (apparently against his will) off the convention floor as a compromise candidate. The rank-and-file rejoiced. “His nomination will produce perfect unison,” one celebrated, “because he has helped everybody when asked, and antagonized none.” Garfield was not so exuberant about the outcome. Over the course of his political career, he had learned to view the presidency with deep suspicion; none of the Administrations he had witnessed up-close ended well.

His reservations were well-placed. While trying to appease his party’s different blocs, President Garfield ultimately failed to keep the peace between them – kick-starting a chain of events that led to his murder. The result, ironically, was the nation’s politics suddenly shifted to resemble his own. Americans made Garfield into a martyr and blamed the hyperpartisan political climate of the country for his death. A great period of correction began, but, in all the drama around Garfield’s assassination, his remarkable life was overshadowed by its own untimely end.

On his deathbed, President Garfield seemed to sense this would be the case. Turning to a friend, he asked if his name would “have a place in human history.” The friend’s affirmative answer appeared to relax him. “My work is done.”

 

 

 

 

* This article was originally published here

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